From Kathmandu to Manila, from Dhaka to Jakarta, to African capitals: a wave of youth protest is shaking the ‘global South’. For several months now, ‘Generation Z’ has been destabilising governments and shaking up entire political and media systems. Mobilised via social media, these hyper-connected young people are taking to the streets en masse, bypassing traditional partisan structures and formal organisations. Despite this apparent spontaneity, a common set of demands is emerging: an end to corruption, the restoration of functional public services, and an end to ageing elites who are out of touch with the daily realities of citizens.
The facts speak for themselves. In Nepal, the Prime Minister was forced to resign after the Parliament was set on fire. In Indonesia, the financial privileges of legislators are causing public outrage. In the Philippines, the ostentatious lifestyle of the ‘Nepo Babies’, the heirs of the two ruling political dynasties, is crystallising resentment.
Behind these scattered uprisings lies a shared diagnosis: for the first truly ‘digital native’ generation, the gap between the speed of their digital exchanges and the immobility of sclerotic societies has become untenable. Faced with injustices they consider anachronistic, the ‘zoomers’ have chosen to wait no longer.
From local to global: mapping an insurrection
The generational factor is the common thread running through these mobilisations. This phenomenon is not new in history, from Flaubert’s republican characters, characterised by their youth and their identification with the revolutionary heritage, to Greek playwrights and philosophers. Aristophanes ironised about the generational conflict, while Aristotle himself clearly distinguished between ‘youth’ and ‘old age’ in his Rhetoric, noting that ‘young people’ ‘cannot bear contempt and are indignant if they believe themselves to be victims of injustice’. This historical constant finds particular resonance today in a generational dynamic that pits a large youth population, lacking in prospects, against an ageing establishment perceived as incapable of responding to their aspirations.
The driving force behind the ‘Gen Z’ movements in Nepal is that they are partly born out of what is shared on social media. The revelation of the lavish lifestyles of the sons and daughters of the country’s ministers – the ‘Nepo’ or ‘Nepo babies’ – in a toxic socio-political context, against a backdrop of accusations of corruption among the political class and low social mobility for Nepalese people, has helped fuel the revolt. The revolt erupted just as the government cut off access to social media. The social unrest that has been rocking the country since the beginning of 2025 therefore focuses on issues of economic inequality, which have been exacerbated by the advantages granted to Nepalese parliamentarians in terms of access to housing, while also being a reaction to the deprivation of freedom.
In Madagascar, it was the issue of shortages and access to essential infrastructure – water, electricity – that sparked the revolt. Beginning on 25 September and based on economic and social demands, the movement quickly gave its demands a political dimension. After several days of demonstrations and clashes with the country’s authorities, the ‘Gen Z’ movement began calling for the resignation of the President of the Republic and the dissolution of the government. The line was subsequently softened: the demand for the head of state to resign appears to have been removed from the movement’s list of demands. However, the demands still supported by the movement are institutional and symbolic in nature: respect for freedoms, the total dissolution of the Senate and the re-establishment of the High Constitutional Court.
As in Sri Lanka in 2022, the social movements accompanying the mobilisation of ‘Gen Z’ are marked by interacting factors. On the one hand, there is a generational dynamic that pits a large youth population lacking prospects against itself, perceiving itself as oppressed by the establishment. The seeds of revolt are diverse. In some cases, it is the lack of access to basic services such as water, electricity, medicine and fuel. These problems are attributed to a political class that is perceived as incapable of managing the country’s problems, or even as being the cause of them.
Virality, symbols and solidarity: the Gen Z toolbox

The Roblox game creation platform served as a gathering place for a virtual protest organised by Filipino internet users on 21 September 2025 to denounce corruption in the country’s public works projects. (Photo: Ryla Tuazon/The Flame)
Generation Z is revolutionising the codes of protest by relying on two pillars: digital tools for coordination and digital culture for unification. Much more than during the Arab Spring, social media has become the beating heart of these movements. It is used to gather information, create viral slogans and organise in a decentralised manner, without leaders or formal structures.
These platforms are turning into virtual headquarters where actions are planned and messages are disseminated. While Facebook played a decisive role in the Egyptian revolutions of 2011, Gen Z is now multiplying channels and diversifying formats to escape censorship and accelerate mobilisation.
But beyond organisation, these movements reveal the emergence of a shared global culture across the planet. Universal pop culture references are becoming symbols of revolt: the pirate flag from the anime One Piece, for example, now flies at protests in Nepal, Indonesia and the Philippines. These visual codes, immediately recognisable to a connected generation, create a sense of belonging that transcends borders and unites these struggles.
But their strategy goes far beyond simply disseminating information. It relies on viral and creative content that resonates deeply with their generation. Incisive memes, ironic choreographies filmed in front of military barracks on TikTok, powerful infographics that dissect the most complex political issues and methodically dismantle misinformation: these are all formats that make activism accessible, powerful and captivating.
@capi.mo @Rohan Sundas Official @chickenroll2007 @nobel @goontingsahur 🤣 #fyp #nepal #protest #genz ♬ original sound – dumb bunny🎀
The tactical sophistication of these movements is equally remarkable. Drawing inspiration from pioneering experiences such as Indonesia’s #ReformasiDikorupsi in 2019 – where activists were already using WhatsApp and Telegram to coordinate their actions while circumventing surveillance – Gen Z is refining and adapting these methods to local realities. And in 2025, in Morocco, it is full-blown Instagram campaigns orchestrated via ephemeral stories that mobilise thousands of people in a matter of hours. In Madagascar, influencers are transforming their stories into tools for citizen documentation, denouncing injustices and organising targeted actions with surgical precision.
For this hyperconnected generation, these technologies are not just a megaphone: they form a veritable democratic arsenal. A digital shield that archives evidence of abuse and protects activists, a cross-border solidarity network that galvanises public opinion, an unprecedented pressure mechanism that forces those in power to be accountable. The pinnacle of this digital revolution? The election of Nepal’s Prime Minister, orchestrated in part on Discord – a world first that illustrates how gaming platforms are becoming unexpected political spaces.

Screenshots of the debate on Discord concerning the choice of the next Nepalese leader.
A double-edged agility
This ability to mobilise massively and quickly, bypassing traditional media, is the main strength of these 2.0 revolts.
However, this very structure carries with it its own vulnerabilities. As sociologist Zeynep Tufekci analysed in her study of networked movements in the previous decade, their horizontal nature and lack of clear leadership, while guaranteeing their agility, make their long-term political impact more complex. By depriving themselves of formal structures, these uprisings sometimes become elusive: they risk disappearing as quickly as they appeared, leaving behind immense protest energy but no clear political outlet. The main challenge for Generation Z will be to transform this viral anger into lasting institutional change.
By Alexandre Kahn and Pierre Bellagamba








